Tuesday, December 05, 2006
 From Morgan Reynolds' NoMoreGames.net November 12, 2006: "[Defense Secretary nominee Robert] Gates is president of Texas A&M University (my home university where I am professor emeritus) and a former Director of Central Intelligence under Bush the Elder. Who is this guy? Does his nomination promise an end to the suffering in Iraq? Hardly. His record points to more Bush loyalty, fixing intelligence around the policy and mass murder, albeit in a "kinder, gentler" package. Below is an excerpt about Gates from my article, "9/11, Texas A&M University, and Heresy," in a new book, 9/11 and American Empire, edited by David Ray Griffin and Peter Dale Scott.
While I do not want to launch an ad hominem attack on Mr. Gates, we can hardly overlook his extraordinary credentials, experience and qualifications. Why is this man president of a major state university? His appointment tells us a lot about the military-industrial complex, the global domination project (to use Richard Falk’s term), and the present and future of American universities. . .
After starting at the CIA in 1966 as an intelligence analyst, he was the only entry-level CIA employee to rise to director. (He was appointed to that position by George H.W. Bush in 1991.) The Bush family puts a premium on personal loyalty, and Gates is clearly a Bush family loyalist. Bush 41 has his name on the CIA building in Langley and he would not appoint an outsider as chief spook. Gates’s own memoir, From the Shadows, whose subtitle proclaims himself "the ultimate insider," fawns over the first President Bush. When Gates' observed the Soviet Union’s collapse from his CIA perch in 1991, this "joyless victory" perhaps led Gates to think about how to create a new enemy to sustain the enormous budgets of the CIA and the military-industrial complex. If he had special insight into the 9/11 hoax, it might partly explain his eagerness to "silence" an A&M faculty skeptic...
During Iran-Contra Gates was CIA deputy director for intelligence, then deputy director of Central Intelligence (hence the number two man), and finally the acting director. Gates was close to Iran-Contra figures and in a strong position to know about what was going on. Although Gates was an early target of investigation, Independent Counsel Lawrence E. Walsh ultimately decided not to prosecute Gates for perjury without stronger evidence. It appears that Gates tried to protect the Agency and leave aggressive criminal activity to Col. Ollie North and company, but that Gates dissembled and suffered "recall failures" under oath before the Grand Jury.
What to make of Gates’ Iran-Contra behavior? To put it mildly, Gates did not live up to the Aggie Code of honor ("An Aggie does not lie, cheat, or steal or tolerate those who do"). In effect, he defended a government of lawless men, not a government of laws. The Boland amendment, with its restrictions on the executive, is indisputably binding law. Relevant here is the wisdom of libertarian economist and historian Murray Rothbard who said, “[O]nly a few key people need be in on the original crime, while lots of government officials can be in on the subsequent cover-up, which can always be justified as 'patriotic,' on 'national security' grounds, or simply because the president ordered it. The fact that the highest levels of the U.S. government are all-too capable of lying to the public, should have been clear since Watergate and Iran-Contra."
[...] Among other sins, Gates defends the absurd official tale about 9/11, according to which, in the words of the 9/11 Commission, "This immeasurable pain was inflicted by 19 young Arabs acting at the behest of Islamist extremists headquartered in distant Afghanistan." But his status as an "ultimate insider" means that he knows better, much better. During Gates’ CIA watch in the 1980s the Agency created al Qaeda, the Taliban and Osama bin Laden as anti-Soviet, pro-western assets.13 Although Gates would never admit it, he has to know that, in the words of Webster Tarpley, "High-profile international terrorism is not spontaneous: it is artificial and synthetic." Even the FBI says Osama bin Laden is not wanted for 9/11 because it has no "hard evidence" connecting him to 9/11.
The evidence provided by Tarpley and many other writers suggests that 9/11 is not about the sociology of the Middle East but false-flag state terrorism on the part of the United States and one or more of its allies. The Bush-bin Laden connection goes back to the 1970s. Osama will prove elusive as long as he remains a "necessary enemy" in the present American version of what Daniele Ganser and Ola Tunander in the Griffin-Scott volume call “the strategy of tension."
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